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Geodissonance : the metal movement is proliferating to all corners of the globe. In its relentless display of vitriolic truths and the ugliest questions of existence, we can hear the resounding riffs of heavy metal in the most conservative pockets of society. As your Punjabi, riff-worshiping correspondent, I've created Geodissonance to report the controversy: as metal unveils dissonance in cradles of brutality around the world. Scroll to continue reading. As an Indian metalhead myself, I can't help but wonder if an all girl Kashmir-based band like Pragaash would be universally welcomed by the scene if its members had the Y chromosomes and facial hair to meet a strangely unevolved and archaic set of gender norms. The band recently disbanded after receiving a series of death threats, so, too, a formal demand from Kashmir's state appointed cleric, Mufti Bashiruddin Ahma to cease activity as a group. Despite this religious intervention and societal disparagement, you might be shocked to discover that Pragaash's music was nothing more than fun, innocuous rock - the sonic and thematic opposite of such politically charged, all-girl groups like Pussy Riot.

I request all to give maximum publicity to the facts of the case. The next message also by Col. That should leave little doubt on the authenticity of the clip. NN Joshi, Spokesperson, Ministry of Defence, confirmed the official release of the video, and stated that it showed there was no molestation. Col NN Joshi also said he was unaware as to how the video was released on social media. Handwara was a war zone even as the video was recorded.

In other words, the screams for freedom, the stones hitting tin, the bunker and the bathroom on fire, the glass shattering, the tear gas shelling, the gunshots. You are a year-old school girl. You have first been grabbed by a soldier in a bathroom, then you have been publicly assaulted by your friends for being the wrong sort of girl.

Then you have been taken to a police station, without being allowed to talk to your parents. There, you have been humiliated, and told this is all your fault by police, and it is in your power to make it stop, by simply saying on video what happened after you left the bathroom. Not lying exactly, but omitting the most incendiary, most incriminating detail. What would you do?

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A liar at best, and at worst an ungrateful army whore, someone who by only blaming Kashmiri men for assaulting her, betrayed the martyrs who had died for her sake. People asked why so much energy was being devoted to her release - were not the killings more significant as human rights violations?

And every Kashmiri parent knows the terror of what those words mean, in a context where 8, such disappearances have taken place since the military operations against the armed insurgency began inand there exists more than one association of parents of disappeared persons. Videos, particularly videos of women who complain of sexual violence, have a way of obsessing us. Turning us into bodily detectives, where we scrutinize every tremor in the voice, every facet of demeanour, every tic, tear, smile, every hitch of a piece of clothing as a clue.

No detail is too trivial to be devoid of meaning. The viral video replaces the in-camera courtroom with a large, and largely anonymous public. Is she a victim or a lying whore?

A virginal schoolgirl or just faking it? The question of not mirroring the violence of a forensic video as a form was particularly important to me. Staying silent was not an option, in light of all the misrepresentations and slut-shaming that had occurred. She needed to clarify at least once, in her own words, what had happened, outside of police custody. This was important, not just to put her own version on record, but so that she could transition more easily back into her school, where her classmates - most of whom knew the boys she had named as having assaulted her and the boys who were killed - were still grieving and outraged.

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Legally, the options were few and bleak. A statement before the Magistrate under SectionCrPC which she had given under duressthough of little substantive value, is pretty near unretractable, until trial. Because of the requirement of sanction for prosecution of armed forces under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act and the fact that the Government of India has not in a single case, ever given sanction for the civilian prosecution of a soldier in Kashmir, there did not seem much chance of this case getting to that stage soon, or any time.

A complaint with the request to immediately file a First Information Report on her assault, custodial violence and the forced video was sent to the police, but in terms of the community, this held little real meaning, given the complete and banal lawlessness that characterizes legal procedures in Kashmir. A written statement by her, a pre-recorded video, or only allowing audio at the press conference were all discussed, but the family felt that these could not compete with the virality, power and immediacy of the first video.

Her parents were unlettered, and a press conference was accessible to them as a process in which they could understand and participate in what was going on, in a way that no written statement could be. They were very keen that she address the media and the public, in as direct a way as possible. They asked that the she not face any follow-up questions after she made her statement.

Questions would be handled by her parents, who would be seated with her throughout. As I heard her speak from a doorway behind her, she sounded overwrought and strained. Not because she was lying, but because she really, sincerely believed that she was to blame, and she was trying so hard to handle it like a trooper.

And it was heartbreaking to watch. She spoke for almost twenty-five minutes at the press conference, in elaborate detail about what had happened to her, not just two but three sets of assaults a soldier who grabbed her, her neighbourhood boys who confronted her, and the policeman who dragged her crying to the police station. She said that she went to the public toilet after picking up her mobile phones at a shop close by.

It was shortly after 2 pm, and the bathrooms at her school were closed. After she had used the bathroom, and as she was leaving it, an army man grabbed her hand.

She managed to get free, screamed, and ran out of the alleyway in which it was located, crying. He came to her and slapped her, while she continued crying. She asked to be taken home, and her neighbour agreed. The policeman grabbed her by her hand, and began to drag her to the police station. At the police station, she was slapped, threatened and abused, and was told to record the video omitting the detail of the army man in the bathroom.

of Police Ghulam Jeelani recorded the video, after specifically assuring her that he would not circulate it. Do you realize it? In that time, she was made to repeat her statement to several different police personnel, all of whom were abusive. Her phones were taken away. The Handwara girl and her father were coerced into signing on several sheets of blank paper. Thereafter, they were repeatedly shifted around for three days.

She was given detailed instructions on what questions she would be asked, and what her responses should be.

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She went before the Magistrate unaccompanied by her father her legal guardian as a minorand her statement was recorded in the presence of three male court staff and a police escort. Thereafter they were not allowed to leave police custody despite several attempts to do so, including on one occasion where she felt ill and wanted to visit the hospital.

When they [the state] gambled with my honour, and martyred my brothers who fought for me, why should I not fight? My brothers, who have died for me, did not die in vain I will fight for them, and for my self.

What is my suffering compared to theirs? They have seen nothing but this. I felt so old. It was too much for me. I went to the back room. The Muzzle of a Gun Staring at the Space between Your Eyes. Hours after the press conference, at which the Handwara girl spoke for the first time after her release from custody, Col. Arun circulated a poster. It was a diptych: the first panel showed a screenshot of the Handwara girl from her first video, facing the camera, her face unblurred, and the second was a picture of her in niqab at the press conference.

Kahi sach par purdeh ka purdah toh nahin?

Could it be a cover for a cover-up? This after the Army specifically said that it had blurred the identity of the victim, in a video it authenticated. The trope of the deceitful or hilarious purdah clad female impersonator is not just the stuff of colonial criminologyHindi film comedy or rightwing trollery.

Ladies and gentlemen, I place for your delectation - the Islamaphobic rape-hoax joke as military intelligence counter insurgency strategy haw-haw. This is no big secret. So many secretive agencies with so many acronyms operate in Kashmir that I am fairly certain the Indian Home Minister, Defence Minister or Kashmir Affairs Minister could not collectively name them all.

The Indian state deploys the full might of this state apparatus to immediately shut down the slightest imputation of a sexual crime against its soldiers in Kashmir.

The full range of weapons in its arsenal range from military cordons and curfews and civilian killings to stop protests against sexual violence, to maddening levels of legal obfuscation and delay, to slander, rumours, intimidation and victim blaming.

This is true not just of Handwara, but has been true in Kunan Poshpora to present dayShopianManzgam and certainly many others that have lost this almost unwinnable war against erasure. Deny, Destroy evidence, Discredit victims. This is a standard military operating procedure with regard to sexual assault complaints in Kashmir.

Code Red. All systems Go Go Go or whatever they say in real life. Operation STFU SLUT has now commenced. The continuum of militarized sexual violence and misogyny in Kashmir ranges from the spectacular and macabre, gang and mass rapes, and rape and killings of women, to the domesticated tragedies of the marriage of a woman to Ikhwan accused of killing seven members of her immediate family Structures of Violence, Page It is the routinized rape of women associated, through blood or marriage, with Kashmiri rebel fighters.

It is the multiple rapes and killing of a teenager, whose brother can no longer remember her face, because there are no photographs of her and he was only seven when it happened [ Informative Missive, August ]. It is children of the villages of Kunan and Poshpora, whose mothers were raped, dropping out of school, because they were bullied so mercilessly. Munaza Rashid, one of the authors of Do You Remember Kunan Poshpora? Inwhen I was in second grade, on our way back from school our school bus was stopped near the Police Colony, Bemina.

Army men surrounded our school bus and told our driver to get off.

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There were five kids in the bus, all about seven or eight years old. They told our driver they would not let him go forward, and began cking our bus. I clearly remember our bus driver pleading, that we were his responsibility and he could not leave us there. The army men were reluctant in allowing him to walk with us, to our homes.

We grabbed our bags and jumped off the bus. If you feel afraid, just scream were his final words of warning to us. I could not understand the reason for the fuss. Trust me, we would not have been as terrified, but for his instructions.

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Just as we began walking holding each others hand, a few yards away from starting point of cordon, an army man shouted at us, Walk fast! She is creating a big scene. My eks burnt with embarrassment. My grandmother always did this. She became hysterically worried about every family member, especially when the army was around.

I never understood her fears then. The rising panicky hysteria, the claustrophobia of it all as girls get older.

Our Kashmiri Muslim women folk complaint of a routine inappropriate touching in public transportation and even on religious fairs and gatherings, which they have now accepted as a part of life because complaining about the same would invite no sympathy or empathy from Kashmiri society but only slut shaming of the victim herself. There is this false narrative, which forces people to push the Video: Horrifying moment year-old girl is taught a lesson in a rape stunt after arriving at a hotel to sell her virginity so she can buy an iPhone 8. The teen was horrified when men suddenly pin Hindi saree tamil bangla malayalam aunty kashmiri mallu sanjana big boob desi babe. 7min. Abg cihuy. 24min. Malay couple's stolen sex tape exposed at. 5min. Malay babe fuck on the floor. 2min. Exgf horny teen friends have sex. min. Sarah budak sarawak. min. Pembantu pun 4. 10min. Small fat dude fucking a pretty asian girl. min. Virgin malay teen seks. min. Pretty melayu sexy

Because it is so damn dangerous to be a Kashmiri woman, and so damn easy to be the wrong kind of girl, in the wrong kind of place at the wrong time. What does it feel like to live under and try to talk back to the everyday and terrorizing sexualized militarization as Kashmiri women? Essar Batool uses the metaphor of a gun as gaze. She writes in Do you remember Kunan Poshpora? The militarization of Kashmir is enabled by a vituperative, deceit-filled, and completely hegemonic Indian media discourse where things can simply not be called by their rightful name, by anybody, left, right or centre.

This discourse separates us, the liberal, secular, pluralist Indians from them, the communal, sectarian, patriarchal, Pakistan-desiring Kashmiri Muslims. Historian and columnist Mukul Kesavan says :. The Indian citizen outside the valley has three options.

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He can support self-determination in Kashmir knowing that it might mean either a sectarian Muslim statelet or more territory for a larger sectarian state, Pakistan. He can endorse the military occupation because, in the larger sme of things, Kashmiri Muslim suffering is the price that must be paid for the greater good of a pluralist India.

Or he can press for the abolition of AFSPA, the demilitarization of Kashmir and the Northeast and the institution of a process by which atrocities by the security forces, especially in the period between and are investigated and the guilty punished.

If the Indian republic wants to demonstrate its good faith, to make some reparation for the history of State violence there, this is the absolute minimum that it must do. If it claims the allegiance of the people in these areas, it must treat them as rights-bearing citizens, not mutinous subjects.

Instead, how about we begin by prevailing upon the government that occupies it in our name, and has built nuclear bombs on our lands in order to sustain this occupation, to get their guns and their spooks, and their mine fields and their airfields, and their parliamentary electionsin other words their whole dirty, divisive, massive war machinery out of here, and begin a process of political negotiations?

How about we insist that these negotiations are based on a simple one-point agenda, of holding a plebiscite in the near future, something that was promised, also in our name many years ago? How about we agree to let the name, cartography, demographic composition and political constitution including the questions of minority and gendered citizenship of the erstwhile princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, including areas presently administered by our government, Pakistan and China, emerge out of multiple, multi-lateral, and multi-party, international and internal conversations in which democratic representatives of all Kashmiri state subjects participate.

Something acceded to by all other parties, but our government is presently simply not prepared to do? Decolonization is. But it can be done. Even when a downright untrue translation is never properly verified, or fact cked.

And the Indian liberal tone-deafness to what this war is really about. No questions need arise, as to their own vested interests, ideological beliefspolitical motivations or privileged accesswhen covering human rights abuses and war crimes by the Indian state in Kashmir.

In furtherance of this war effort, Kashmiri women singing their desire for azaadi, saying out it out loud and clearthat they believe both in their own emancipation and in the emancipation from military rule of their country, who refuse to be frightened or intimidated into silence, can be ignored. In fact, Kashmiri women voicing any kind of protest against Indian state violence can simply be cropped out of images.

For example, this picture of a protest by the Handwara Solidarity Group held on 19th April in Srinagar appeared in Greater Kashmirthe largest circulating English newspaper in Kashmir. In the picture are 11 Kashmiris and two non-Kashmiris. The only kind of Kashmiri protestors are violent stone throwing, bunker burning mobs of riotersnot a handful of assertive young women standing their ground under the gaze of scores of policemen.

The error in the PTI report, which is syndicated to and reprinted in many Indian papers, was pointed out to the journalist who wrote it by Essar Batool a member of the Handwara girl solidarity group organizing the protest. Rather than apologizing, let alone issuing a retraction, he basically told her to buzz off.

In this war, the only kind of good Kashmiri rape victim is a dead one - everyone else is a slut and a liar. Sometimes even their corpses are made into liars, after their hearts and minds are long done for.

After the Neelofar and Asiya gang rape-killings in Shopian inthe Central Bureau of Investigations fudged DNA samples, and filed cases against lawyers, family members and health officials who have publicly stated that they had been raped, and accused them of tampering with evidence.

In an added twist, the Kashmiri health official who examined their bodies was accused in the CBI charge-sheet of substituting her own vaginal swabs for those of the victims. Since it is not seemly to call women who they are suspected to have raped and killed, sluts outright though they tried this toothe Indian state decides to sexually vilify the doctor.

Misogynistic Backlash Spurs Kashmiri All-Girl Rock Band to Split. By. NavjotKaur. Published. February 19, Geodissonance: the metal movement is proliferating to all corners of the globe The Best Sex A coffee shop, people watching experience. Paul, a surly ex-porn star turned barista, and a group of people whose only shared trait is self-interest, come together at a coffee shop looking for something they can't find alone What a slut. Bathrooms, like girls, have reputations. A miasma of filth, sleaze and danger clings to them. They are seen as panic-ridden sites of illicit, transgressive or criminalised sexual encounters, criminality and contamination. The basic right to access a safe, hygienic, and private space to relieve themselves, is denied to women everywhere. Many sexual assaults take place when women go

Really any live Kashmiri woman, with a heartbeat and a vagina, will do. Because it should be simple really. A Kashmiri girl went to a bathroom. There was a soldier directly overlooking it, with a gun.

And that is the real problem. It is called military occupation. The essay was first published by The Ladies Finger in July The essay is published here with due permission from The Ladies Finger. Shrimoyee Nandini Ghosh is a human rights lawyer, activist and researr based in Srinagar, Indian Administered Kashmir.

Skip to content Menu. Home Reportage Commentary Literature Photo Essays Conversations Visual Media Reviews. Posted on April 17, April 17, by Shrimoyee Nandini Ghosh. The public bathroom behind a military watch post in Handwara. Courtesy Reporters.

com On 12 th April, shortly after 2 pm, a female high school student went to a public bathroom, behind a military watch post in Handwara and overlooked by it. Nayeem Qadir Bhat, via Facebook Meanwhile, Nayeem Qadir Bhat, 19, a boy from the locality who had gone home to fetch a camera for his journalist brother, was shot by a policeman Assistant Sub Inspector Mohammad Raffiq [subsequently suspended] in the alleyway near the school.

The circular requiring registration of WhatsApp news groups The Internet curfew was also lifted by 18 th April, but admins of all WhatsApp groups in North Kashmir were asked to register with district officials. I have three images of the girl from Handwara, myself.

An article in the Kashhmir Narratorprofiling the five civilians killed by armed forces, described it thus: The worn out walls of the toilet would be somewhere around five feet and four ins high. Why did the boy go to that bathroom? Possible responses: a He needed to take a leak. Even our toilets are occupied c He was asserting his right to a public convenience and his resistance against an occupation.

A boy snatd the bag away and slapped me Male voice off screen : Civil ladkay? Male voice [off screen]: Did he bring you here? Let that sink in. Historian and columnist Mukul Kesavan says : The Indian citizen outside the valley has three options.

The essay is published here with due permission from The Ladies Finger About the Author s :. Share gift link below with your friends and family. Link Copied! Copy gift link. Sign up or log in to read this article in full.

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